THere no birthday candles on the lower streets this week. Neither must there. Twelve months after winning Laborslide Landslide on 4 July 2024, the Keir Starmer Government got a year in office with a week without related. The Bill Reform Bill itself Now a meaningless shell. Labor Party is simply united with its failures.
Rebellion of welfare is not a bolt from blue. However, it gives basic stone to an arch to first blanks. It provides urgent issues about professional inability to Westminsters in Labor. It consists of not working in the Starmer’s top-down party method in most general. This is not the end of it, as the Furore of Rachel’s tears of a flowing question of the Prime Minister seems to testify. Things cannot be done.
More specific, the welfare bill deals with the question of how the labor party has now negotiated its realities in real poor voters not poor. Divisions of Tuesday show that a blow against another is not only harmful. However labor does not make a plan to restore two more polite. Have to learn eases from this shock. The fact remains that the hard work can only win and maintain power if it is more than the Party of the poor.
The rise of Turbochargar’s MPs of other political questions, long before this week, but where the array row is included. First, how did the land work the starmer handle a lot of support more powerful and encouraged after winning 174-seat commons most of 2024? And, secondly, what can hard work about it in time to stay?
Both have concrete concrete. But the second question is the one that matters. Getting in a terrible condition means to focus on the future, not apologize for the past. Labor should reverse its defeats with hope to win the second election victory where Starmer is set, but now as an unreasonable dream.
Doing it even requires understanding what is gone wrong. The past 12 months charged with faulty errors, times clear tin, more, tasted by a loss of sight and ability. Anthony Seldon, Doyen to Historians on Downing Street, says No Prime Minister Since 1945 Starts bad like Starmer. Poll numbers carry it.
It’s a crisis. Don’t rebuke about it. Don’t miss the media blaming. It does not do, however, to keep part of the unfair partisan attack from labor opponents. Neither have a lot of stress in many difficulties that no doubt face Stillmer: The attempt to manage among the European war, the pressures of the Trump Counter-revolution and an economic migration. These are the facts. They mean the true context of government work. But they can’t reason.
It should be clear in a day, even a general majority and the toly party on its knee, which 2024 has done to the labor is not the victory. Only 34% of votes cast last year for work. But only 60% of the Britons voted. So starmer’s parliamentary superiority is given by only 20% of the country, and at least 10 million voters. Since the beginning he has to extend his coalition, to pay more attention to build trust throughout the country.
It takes more than Triangulating Nigel Farage or the striking characteristics. The underlying fact of the country’s labor relationship is four of the five Britishes who are not determined by the Party, even after the shambons of the Sunson-Trushites. Now, that doubt is largely larger. To a Average pollsLabor now stands 23%. One of the three low is the total 2024 voters have gone elsewhere. It’s always a love-free trip. Now is in serious risk to become an unwanted.
It is true that other chief ministers have difficulties, lost byelections, faced with parliament revolts and have evil press in their first year. Within months of winning power in 1979, Margaret Thatcher had reached the open attack from members of his own Cabinet of economic policy, something that has not happened at Starmer. Tony Blair faced a 47-MP to lift one year benefit his year a year in 1997, nearly equal to rebellion at 49-MP on Tuesday. The two recovered to win the landslide in the next general election.
Why don’t Starmer do the same? A reason because government and political trust is now less than the past. Starmer is an analogue prime minister in a digital age. One else is always obviously clear what Thatcher and Blair mean to achieve the government. Everyone has a project – unlock the state’s replacement and trade unions, the British economy and world economic erosion. The voters know what they got. But, what is the starmer project? What is the destination he wants to reach?
Answering this question is the most important task facing Starmer today. In the most popular sentence Charles Daulle written, at the beginning of the war memoirs he wrote in the 1950s, he said: “In my life, I had a French idea.” While his biographer Julian Jackson explains Gaulle’s “specific idea” is not always consistent, and never a perfectly articulated program – more cheap than a doctrine. But De Gulle’s idea has a clear parts, millions of France voters understand and often agreed. He stands for a separate recognition in French history, for French political independence, because of its splendor and for its social integration.
If Starmer has a specific British idea, to give that idea of all his life, it’s hard to know. Her new interview In his biographer Tom Baldwin suggests. The interview is strange to be useless. It is full of regret and admissions of bad judgment but have a little sense of history or people. However the need for Starmer to tell a uplifting story of Britain about Britain is more important to solve some of his / her best policy problems.
Starmer is a bit like a ship’s captain, facing modest weather and heavy oceans, plows not to tell passengers and crews why. He can do the right thing for the state ship. The more likely to be expected. Travel eventually can prove to prosper. But if the problem is his failure to explain, a lack of basic sea skills, or a stubborn trust in employment, the result is now different – an unhappy ship.
