American history has receipts. As we approach the 250th anniversary of the country’s birth, it should be common knowledge that placing national guard at the center of chaos is not light. California’s Peederizing Guard to extinguish an assumed streets of large Los Angeles is a bold act of showing president and difficult opportunities. It is also dangerous in many fields.
We are here, and we can be wise to listen to history history. In the spring of 1894, a national railway strike, which spreads from outside Chicago, paralyzed cargo and traffic passenger traffic and California. The strikers took the streets, occupying the rails, often their families, left signs, and raised tents and quickly established stivers. In Oakland, strikers “killed” a locomotive cover it in black crepe.
Political leaders and rail officers insist that strikers are insurrectionations that focus on the republic. But the public should not see things in the same way. The strikers posted by Northern California Depots bring provisions from farmers who are loyal to their cause. A US Marshal sent the Sacarament to clean them and moved the trains beaten and forced later that the local police force had sympathy with strikers.
Condemned the sacramental state as an uprising, Gov. HH Markham at the National Guard, who included the old wars of war in July, the young guards in California, each given 20 bullets in a scornful people, took a scorn of the Oakland by train.
But all train services stopped on strike, and skilled rail operators do not want to cross picket lines. After nine hours, tired guards arrived at Sacramento early in the morning of July 4 – which took a train through a circuit route to avoid trouble. They marched to the city’s armory, then at the occupied depot, where they were met by members of the National Guard who had been deployed. Guardsmen – About 1,000 weekend Warriors – stood in the hot day, rifle to preparing the gatling gun that they took, facing strikes of the rails camping with their wives and children. A gun with a guard accidentally, killing a bystander. The officers ordered their men to heal their bayonets and, if directed to shoot, to “seek to kill.”
A Sacramento unit reports that men do not burn their friends and relatives. Other guards wore their sympathies in their arms and lapeles: Pro-StRyr buttons. Strikers and their families start to mix the plant with guards. “Frank, if you kill me you made a widow your sister,” a striker announcing his brother-in-law in the guard. Some guards took bullets from their weapons; Some humble them and stray – toward the lemonade and the ice given to the protesters themselves. The strikers stayed in the depot for several weeks. The whole thing is a troubled Farce.
Things are less tense in Southern California. People lined up the streets of downtown Los Angeles, singing and comforting for strikers, mostly the cells of the flag. The pictures of the go to Sacramento and the Bay Area passed from a Sieleno to another in the crowd. LA guards proclaimed the same type of trepidation about transporting militarized forces to bring strikers. “If we need to fight the Indians or a common enemy,” a guardsman offered by a revelation of American citizens a horse on a horse.
In ease, the Federal and State Railroad response to 1894 appears without considering unknown results. The guards’ calling only created a chaos, asked strikers and, at a time at least, maintained most of the public support. The federal government, with some of the 1894 “the largest crisis in our history,” allies of railroad corporations carrying the deployment of federal troops around the country. As strike runs, each side attempts to take up the above basis and behavior: the crisis is transgression or it does not want to overreach the government.
Even if it’s easy to know how things play here at LA at this time, no one looks out of lights of downtown and adjacent exits and entrances.
Mark Twain said “History never repeated himself, but it was always rhyme.” Here we have that rhyme written in the latest verse of Los Angeles in our tense world. The administration transfer to the pederalize the guard on the name of a domestic rebel poured for hours in our seasons here in the south.
Deverell is a Professor in USC Dorensife College of Letters, Arts & Science.
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Ideas stated in the piece
- The article argues that the National Guard’s history deployments in working disputes, such as 1894 rail strike, often resolved stresses rather than resolving them. Governor Markham’s decision to activate the scoment guard leading to accidental violence, opposing internal opposition to troops, and defeating strike strikers(1)(3).
- It emphasized the refusal of the guard to use the force against civilians, discussing the instances where the soldiers took the bullets, mixed with protesters. A Guardsman expressed the inconvenience of targeting fellow citizens, framing conflict as a moral dilemma rather than an issue of law enforcement(3).
- The writer comes from the resemblance between 1894 and contemporary that Los Angeles, warned that the threats of guard repeating public protesters and polarizing public opinions. He criticized the framing of labor actions as “habits,” the reasoning that this equity allows non-heavily militarized answers(3).
Different views of the subject
- Government officials and rail officers in 1894 look into strike as an existing commercial and law threat. US and military leaders primarily precede train operations, with regular troops of Colonel Shafter’s army to re-reach Los Rafter’s property(1)(3).
- The legal authorities show the occupation of strikers in depot and disruption of railroad services unlawfully. Marshal Baldwin ‘test failed to clean the Sacramento Depot with no military support quoted as evidence of the need to withdraw the court(1)(3).
- Military deployment supporters argue that the country’s attack-paralyzed over 20,000 miles of necessary track action to prevent economic collapse. Destruction of inches of Pullman in the Interstate Commerce was framed as a crisis justifies the federal troop related to the Constitutional Authority(2)(4).
