If you summarize the election year, you can say: It’s great for incumbents, good for the far right. However Mexico hangs on a fashion. The supervisor party to handle it, Morena, not only stayed in the presidency but – with it PARTNERS In Sigamos Haciendo Historyia CoalHipation – Got a three-third supermajority in the Chamber of Representatives, the lower house, while the lower house, while the lower-home, while the upper home fails to run at least one candidate. That a deliberately described one’s own person can have such success by healing the Mexican chasmic inequality to capture attention from hope all over the world. But Morena’s program has some progressive elements as well. No one else is needed – or want to copy the whole whole.
Morena first found a historical consequence of 2018, when Andrés Manuel López Obrador, an ancient face before running to the party, won a record of 55% of the vote during the total election. Mexican constitutional presidents of the Mexican in a term. But at this time, Claudia Syebaum, was a close ally of López Obrador’s, won 60% to the vote. His victory reminded heyday in the “pink tide” in Latin America, if the leader of the left Hugo Chávez and Evo Morales were reelected for a second term with many victories.
Meanwhile, the far right is not taken at the ballot either. Eduardo verástasgui, an actor becomes activist that makes Sound of freedomThe Surprise Box Office hit about a US Federal Agent Busting a Child-Trafficking Ring in Colombia, sought to bring Trumpian politics to Mexico but failed to collect the signatures required to run as an independent. Instead of developing a brand of Mexican in the distance politics, Verástergui tried to throw a clear American flavor heavy to God, guns and individuals. It’s not rooted.
Morena’s success to build a leftwing movement comes from focusing on socioeconomic justice party. López Obrador developed a simple and powerful narrative population, arguing that the country was captured by the evil elites, including political partners and their national business partners. These resources are for Mexican people, an uneven country where the 27% income is accrues to the richest 1%.
López obradoror promised to change that. His carriage and his upper track record of Mexico makes him a convincing vehicle for the message, which he / she has lodged in the trips in each corner of the country and daily press conference known to Mañanera. Here, he consumed his government’s actions and weapons of its critics, which mold the media agenda. Morena’s message was enlarged by state and social media, creating a kind of personality cult around the López Obrador.
And he saved. López Obrador’s government doubles the minimum wage in real terms, while expanding social programs and cash transfers for pensioners and other. it down To do warriors workers to avoid paying benefits and ordered to place union contracts Democrats Votes. And it targets historical infrastructure projects that distinguish South, built trains and a new oil pasal. From 2018 to 2022, the percentage of population living in poverty has fallen from about 42% to 36%.
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By placing inequality at the center of his discourse, López Obrador made a committed basis of supporters who were willing to forget the disabilities of his government. Although he has the power to promise to improve corruption, insecurity and disadvantage, he has not reached any of the things. His government has its own Corruption scandalsAnd the homico room at homicide remains high, with about 30,000 kills in a year. In some ways, the situation worsened: Karning is now widespread. However, many parts of the population feel confident in democracy. In 2023, 61% of Mexicans said they had faith To their national government, compared to 29% when he took office.
But progressives in whatever place cannot do the instructions about the prospect of copying Morena’s model. While doing everything on top,, López Obrador also makes fit right. He cuts deals in large businesses and intensified in tax reform. He kept fiscal austerity, the mean-operated social expenditure was funded with the cuts elsewhere. she Damaged by US migrants for the political capital of Washington, and he refused to take the position Marriage Marriage or abortionMaybe avoid limiting Morena’s appeal. And he accepted the Mexican militarya popular but opaque institution with a record of Abuse Abuses of Statuswho rely on them deliver his program. And even if the López Obrador established many commissions to examine the abuses of the history of the army, he later left them.
The criticism came from the whole political spectrum, but López Obradoror turned away from them – and always rejected them from the hock in the hock in the wicked elites. By the end of his government, support lost from some bugika,, Environmentalists and Victims of violenceto naming some. However his basis continues to grow. He left the power of approval ratings of about 70%.
Once Morena was exposed, the politicians of all strapes, including some dubious characters, seeking to participate. Morena welcomes them, growing up in principle with pragmatism. This skip to election success comes at the cost of internal tensions. However Morena continues a membership activity and weeds with no other party to match. It has 2.3 million registered members, and want to do that 10 million. Sheinbaum sent Party activists to go out of each part of the country. (This is an article of faith in the party that López Obrador’s success was born to each of the 2,500 municipalities without a doubt of local realities – contrary to the ragging right.
Party connection to local context limits Some Mexican outdoor advances will get from Morena’s example. Mexico was marked by colonial history, and under a party rule in most of the 20th century before it moved to democracy in the 1990s. Today, organized crime many influences through violence and decay,, While Mexican’s economic confidence in the US is severe. This sharp sense of injustice is a motivational sense of political.
Honestly fram the Mexican political scene as a story about the absence of successfully holds the right. but Progresifies need to ask themselves what they want to bring from Morena. Focusing on socioeconomic justice, the control of the narration and the party organization is tied to some meat aspects of populism, and a necessary adoption of judicial positions. It’s hard to tell if the last one is needed for Morena’s election success. But one separates the left Mexican, where others, weighed the consequences against their ideals, no longer board the party.
